بولتن Marxist–Leninist Communist Party (Turkey)

“Palestine will win”
The spokesperson of the Revolutionary Communist Youth (CKŞ), Ekîn Îsyan, saluted the resistance of the Palestinian people in Gaza and the Global Sumud Flotilla.
In a video message released in support of the resistance of the Palestinian people in Gaza, Ekîn Îsyan said:
“The Zionist state of Israel, which seeks to wipe out the Palestinian people, is committing genocide in Gaza. Its attacks are not limited to military assaults, but are also perpetuated by a blockade, leaving children under rubble, and creating famine.
While no bourgeois state takes a consistent stance on the genocide in Gaza, working and oppressed people are organizing self-led initiatives and taking action.
We salute the Global Sumud Flotilla, which has set out from 44 countries. The Palestinian people should know that we, the youth of Rojava, the young women, and the peoples of Rojava, hear your voice, share your pain, are with you, and strive to be your voice.
During the Tishrin War, the occupying Turkish state, along with its gangs, once again attempted to break the will of our people, conquer our country, and stifle our revolution. But our people and our revolutionary forces repelled the gangs’ attacks and repulsed them, because a people that is organized and resists will gain victory.
Palestine and the Intifada will live on. We will fight for Palestine and resist. We carry this experience within us. The people from all over the world who are making their way to Gaza do so with this determination. We will resist and are ready for any sacrifice. From Rojava to Palestine: We are with you.
The dark attack launched by the Zionist Israelis will be defeated, Palestine will triumph. Long live Palestine! Long live our Rojava Revolution!”

Women’s Passion for Freedom is Unstoppable!
Long Live Our Jin Jîyan Azadî Resistance!

Our women’s revolution is advancing with great sacrifice. Every path to revolution is fraught with obstacles and difficulties. The women’s revolution must make twice as many sacrifices and overcome twice as many challenges. Every revolution transcends existing social realities, transforms them, and creates something new. However, in doing so, it also brings great commotion and upheaval.
On September 16, 2022, the uprising began in Rojhilat, Eastern Kurdistan, spreading to Iran and entering history as the “Jin Jîyan Azadî” revolt. This uprising, led by Kurdish women in Rojhilat, expanded to Iran, uniting a broad section of the population, including Baloch, Arabs, Persians, and many other nations and peoples, social groups, workers, toilers, students, trade unionists, intellectuals, and environmentalists, and dealt a powerful blow to the mullah regime. The uprising was triggered by the assassination of our sister Jina. We remember with respect and love all our sisters and peoples who, like Jina Emîni, were assassinated by the mullahs.
In the face of the colonial, patriarchal, and capitalist policies of the Iranian mullah regime, the peoples of Rojhilat and Iran repeatedly united their voices and actions for their rights and freedom in the streets, until 2022. The suppressed anger of the people against the reactionary Iranian bourgeoisie finally erupted like a flood on September 16. Nothing could stop this wave: neither executions, nor brutal persecution and torture in the streets, nor the terror of arrests.
The resistance of women, youth, workers, and toilers against the mullah regime became the longest uprising in Iranian history. During this uprising, hundreds of people were killed, thousands were arrested, and many were interrogated under torture. The sexual torture of women in detention became a symbol of the regime’s misogynistic nature. Of course, “all this suffering was not endured in vain.” The anger of the people, the oppressed, and women will continue to grow, until the spark is ignited that sets the fire burning.
A Life from the Erciyes Mountains to the Mountains of Kurdistan
Our women’s revolution is advancing with great sacrifice, from Kurdistan to Turkey, from Afghanistan to Nepal. Three of our comrades, with grand dreams, were immortalized in the attacks of the Turkish colonial state in Gare: Emine Erciyes (Nazlı Taşpınar), a member of the YJA-Star Central Command, and YJA-Star fighters Zîn Zagros and Ekîn Amara Toldar. We promise to keep them alive in our struggle for freedom and equality.
The life of our comrade Emine, which began in the foothills of the Erciyes Mountains and extended to the mountains of Kurdistan, demonstrates once again the inseparable link in the struggle for equality and brotherhood among peoples. She recognized the need to unite the fate of her own people with that of the oppressed nations and dedicated her life to this struggle. She knew that “without the liberation of the oppressed nation, the proletariat of the ruling nation cannot be free either.”
We had the honor of meeting Comrade Emine as part of our united struggle. As seen in the assessments of the HPG and YJA-Star Commandos after her martyrdom, she fully embraced her identity as a free woman: as an artist, warrior, and commander of the women’s revolution. Over her 24 years of revolutionary life, she took on many responsibilities and was on the front lines, carrying the burden of the women’s liberation struggle. Our condolences go out to all our comrades-in-arms and to the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey!
We are proud to have fought alongside such a comrade for the victory of the women’s revolution and for the freedom of the Kurdish people. Their flags of resistance are now in our hands, and we remember with great respect, love, and gratitude all those who became immortal in their struggle for freedom and equality in all four parts of Kurdistan. We renew our vow to remain committed to their memory.

September 16, 2025

MLKP/KKÖ Communist Women’s Organization Kurdistan

The Marxist-Leninist Vanguard Command of the Working Class
Even in the 31st Year of the Struggle, Still Young and Indomitable!
Year: 2025 | No. 11
From Mustafa Suphi to Deniz, Mahir, and İbrahim, to İrfan, Adil, Şengül, and Yeliz, the communist sacrifice squad of the relentless revolutionary struggle enters the 31st year of the war.
For 31 years, we have fought for freedom and socialism. For 31 years, we have been at the forefront of strikes, resistance, and demonstrations in factories, workplaces, working-class neighborhoods, schools, streets, and public squares. We have shouldered countless barricade battles. Our history is marked by uprisings, campaigns against dictatorship, successful student actions, strikes in mining regions, and resistance in prisons. In Turkey, Bakur, the Media Defense Zones, in Rojava and Syria, in torture chambers, during hunger strikes, in red bases, in preparations for war, on armed fronts, and in the battles of war zones, we were hardened.
For 31 years, we have been the target of thousands of arrests and detentions. In these same 31 years, 27 female communists, two LGBTI+ communists, and 75 male communists lost their lives while carrying out their revolutionary duties. Among them were our Central Committee members: Hüseyin Demircioğlu, Süleyman Yeter, Bayram Namaz, and Zeki Gürbüz; the first commander of the Red Commandos, Ali Haydar Göçer; FESK commanders, including Yeliz Erbay, Ulaş Alankuş, Hüseyin Akçiçek, and Şevin Söğüt; members and secretaries of our provincial committees, including Hasan Ocak and Tuncay Yıldırım; and the secretaries of the KGÖ provincial committees and members of its central committee, Şengül Boran and Cebrail Günebakan. These immortals fought with their revolutionary lives and ideals.
We have never bowed to the relentless attacks of the fascist MGK dictatorship or the subsequent fascist chief regime, nor to the liquidationist movement that has besieged the revolutionary movement and anti-fascist forces at various stages. We have always responded to large-scale enemy attacks aimed at crushing us with strong resistance. We have repeatedly risen anew, and new forces, young generations of communists, have taken on the great revolutionary tasks with heads held high. Even in the most difficult times, we have remained committed to our revolutionary goals. We have never allowed ourselves to be overcome by hopelessness, pessimism, or despondency but have maintained our optimism regarding the revolutionary potential within the masses. We have never lost faith in the people or in the revolution.
Although we are an illegal party, we have used every possible means to realize socialist democracy to the greatest extent possible. With great determination, we have organized the highest institutions of socialist democracy, such as conferences and congresses.
We have always been staunch advocates of united struggle and the culture of revolutionary cooperation. We have based our understanding of internationalism on the best traditions of the Third International, while shaping it with a new way of thinking.
As a culture, we have embraced the practice of openly discussing our reality in all its facets and concreteness at our congresses and conferences. We have not hesitated to address our failures, mistakes, and inadequacies, both within the party and in our relations with the working class and the oppressed.
We have upheld the banner of Marxism-Leninism and defended ourselves against various forms of revisionism, petty-bourgeois socialism, social chauvinism, and the attacks aimed at imposing the bourgeois ideology of postmodernism. We have guided our programmatic positions and political struggle by the truth that the class struggle must inevitably lead to the dictatorship of the proletariat and that the revolution can only be victorious if the old state apparatus is overthrown and replaced by a new state based on workers’ power.
Despite all the obstacles, we have never lost sight of our goal of organizing the revolution and leading it to victory. We have marched for 31 years, fighting for the liberation of the working class and the oppressed, and we will continue to fight with the same dedication and determination in the future.
Our Appeal to the Working Class and the Oppressed on the 31st Anniversary of Our Party
Every worker, every toiler, every woman, every young person, every intellectual, every artist, every LGBTI+, the unemployed, the pensioner, and the poor from the Turkish and Kurdish peoples, as well as the national communities of Circassians, Laz, Arabs, Romanians, Armenians, Roma, Syrians, Chaldeans, Bosnians, Pomaks, and Albanians, must ask themselves:
Is there any other way than to fight against this brutal exploitation, unemployment, poverty, femicide, workplace homicide,  injustice, and ecological destruction?
Is there any other way than to smash this brutal regime of fascist terror, detention, and imprisonment, which knows no bounds in its fascist atrocities, its arrogance toward workers and the oppressed, and its attacks on human dignity?
Is there any other way than to break the rule of these unscrupulous criminals who afford luxury palaces with a thousand rooms for 68 million liras a day, while demanding ever more from workers, pensioners, and women living in poverty and hunger?
Is there any other way than to destroy the chauvinistic and racist system programmed to suppress the collective demands of the Kurdish people, the working people of the Alevi faith, and the national communities with fascist, colonial terror?
Is it possible to live a humane, free, just, happy, and fraternal life without breaking the rule of the Turkish capital oligarchy, without overthrowing the fascist, colonialist, and patriarchal state that serves these interests, and without establishing a Union of People’s Republics based on the revolutionary power of the workers?
Can a free, democratic Union of People’s Republics be created, based on full national equality, for an Arab, Kurdish, Nusayri, Druze, Assyrian, Chaldean, Aramaean, Armenian, Turkmen, and Circassian workers’ and toilers’ power encompassing Syria and Rojava, without overthrowing the Daesh regime led by Ahmed al-Shara, without expelling the imperialist forces, especially the United States, and the genocidal, colonialist Turkish and Israeli occupation armies?
No, a thousand times no!
There has been, is, and will be no way other than the unity, organization, and struggle of workers and the oppressed for freedom, justice, national full equality, women’s liberation; for liberation from capitalist exploitation and imperialist domination; for a life based on fraternity and dignity; and for stopping ecological destruction.
On the 31st anniversary of our founding, we reaffirm our party’s commitment to Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary power of the working class that will socialize the means of production, and socialism based on the councils of workers and working people.
We call on all workers and oppressed people to intensify the revolutionary struggle and demand:
Recognition of Kurdish national identity and democratic rights, particularly the right to education in their mother tongue.
The release of Abdullah Öcalan, all PKK prisoners of war, and revolutionary, anti-fascist political prisoners.
The repeal of the racist, fascist “Anti-Terrorism Law“
The dissolution of war organizations such as JITEM, JÖH, and PÖH.
The disclosure of the burial sites of persons disappeared under detention.
The abolition of fascist bans on freedom of speech, press, assembly, and action.
An end to femicides and attacks that seek to strengthen patriarchal dominance under the pretext of the “Year of the Family.”
The end of imperialist occupations by the USA, Israel, and Turkey in Rojava, Syria, Southern Kurdistan, Iraq, and Palestine.
We call for unity, organization, and continued revolutionary struggle to protect the revolution in Rojava and advance it on the path to socialism.
Freedom, justice, and equality for all peoples and women!
The only way is revolution!
Long live socialism!
Long live Marxism-Leninism!
Long live proletarian internationalism!

September 7, 2025
Central Committee of the MKLP


Revolutionary Lessons from the Popular Uprising in Nepal
The popular uprising that began in Nepal on September 7 led to the overthrow of the government and the dissolution of parliament within 48 hours. The protests started in response to the government’s decision to ban social media. The protests quickly turned against the government, demanding the reopening of social media and an end to corruption. Since the majority of the insurgents were between 15 and 30 years old, the uprising was dubbed a “Gen Z” revolt. Violent police attacks on the protesters and the resulting deaths intensified the anger. The insurgents set fire to government buildings, including the parliament building and the Supreme Court, persecuted government officials, beat ministers, stormed police stations, and disarmed police officers. The army initially held back, only taking control after the first wave of the uprising had largely subsided.
The insurgents declared that they would not speak to anyone except the army. After negotiations between the insurgents and the army, the former president of the Supreme Court was appointed interim prime minister.
The social media ban sparked the uprising, but it was just the last straw. After the “Nepo Kids” movement exposed the luxurious lifestyles of the children of bourgeois politicians, who officially received a salary of $150 per month, the social media ban was seen not only as censorship but also as an attempt to cover up corruption.
Sixty-five percent of Nepal’s 30 million inhabitants are under 30 years old. More than 20% of young people aged 15 to 24 are unemployed. Hopelessness, insecurity, and poverty are the central issues facing young people. In contrast, the lavish lifestyles of the children of bourgeois politicians, alongside nepotism and corruption, have contributed significantly to the anger of the younger generation.
Previously conducted anti-corruption programs, both organized and unorganized, as well as street actions, helped prepare the ground for the uprising. It had often been stated that “Nepal was on the verge of chaos” and “a storm of rebellion was at our door.”
Against this backdrop, the fighting tradition in Nepal, where the 250-year-old absolute monarchy had already been ended by uprisings in previous decades, was revived.
A self-sacrificing guerrilla war led to a bourgeois-democratic republic in the 2000s, but after a compromise with the bourgeoisie, the revolution in Nepal remained unfinished, and social issues were left unresolved.
Although Maoist communist parties were the main actors both in the government and the opposition, the bourgeois-democratic republic failed to address the nation’s social problems. As poverty deepened, corruption and nepotism intensified.
The current uprising was a violent reaction to the increasingly unbearable political and social problems in Nepal. It was a spontaneous mass movement that erupted in fury, destroying everything in its path in the name of state leadership. It directed its anger against all ruling parties, regardless of political affiliation.
The uprising did not begin under the control of any particular party, organization, or movement. It erupted spontaneously. Both right-wing and Maoist opposition parties participated in the protests, but the majority of the insurgents were unorganized youth.
As with any spontaneous rebellion, there will be forces attempting to exploit the uprising for their own political ends. Both revolutionary parties and reactionary and imperialist forces have tried to influence the uprising. Speculation about the Nepalese uprising is widespread. It is claimed that it was planned by the CIA and RAW (Indian intelligence) and that these forces used the social media ban as an opportunity to mobilize the masses. The ruling parties, in particular, seem to support this theory. There are also widespread claims that the protesters were killed by snipers who were not part of the state apparatus in order to further inflame anger. India’s swift congratulations to the appointed interim prime minister and its emphasis on the role of “Hami Nepal” and its president as the actual organizers of the uprising are also cited as evidence supporting this theory.
While some of these claims may be true, they do not alter the real causes of the uprising or change the fact that it was a reaction to the prevailing conditions in Nepal. Believing that this popular uprising was orchestrated by imperialist forces or intelligence agencies would undermine the real power of the movement and deny the Nepalese people their independence and self-determination.
Given this real power, important lessons can be drawn from the uprising:
1. The Existential Crisis of Capitalism and Growing Disparities
The period of imperialist globalization and the existential crisis of capitalism have deepened the gap between the working classes and a small section of the big bourgeoisie. The middle class has increasingly descended into the lower classes, and poverty and hopelessness have become increasingly serious problems for young people. This led to a spontaneous youth movement that acted as a kind of vanguard for the working class. From the Arab uprisings to revolts in Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, and the Gezi and March 19 movements in Turkey, there are many examples of such developments. The uprising in Nepal, like all such uprisings, is a symptom of the existential crisis of capitalism and a spontaneous popular reaction to this crisis.
2. The International Nature of Spontaneous Uprisings
This situation is similar almost everywhere in the world. Therefore, it’s no surprise that spontaneous uprisings occur in many countries. Similar causes lead to similar results. Increasingly unbearable living conditions lead to social explosions. The insurgents turn against those they believe are responsible for the unresolved social problems, and people from diverse political camps flock to the streets. This is the natural dynamic of spontaneous uprisings. It was the same in Nepal. Monarchists, opposition communists, social democrats, right-wingers, and people with no political affiliation all rebelled side by side.
3. The Importance of Political Preparation
Any political force prepared for uprising can expand its influence during this phase. Therefore, intervention in an insurgency often begins before it breaks out. Without effective political work and preparation, insurgency cannot succeed. In Nepal, as well as in Gezi Park and Tunisia, it is evident that the social atmosphere for the insurgency was created by intensified economic and social contradictions, as well as political work and propaganda. It is important to recognize that this work created the conditions for an explosion, and that a single incident ignited the spark. In Nepal, the long-standing struggle against corruption provided the breeding ground for the uprising.
4. Rival Forces and Manipulation
It is not surprising that rival imperialist forces, reactionaries, and fascists attempt to manipulate an uprising for their own ends. However, these attempts do not change the reasons for the uprising, and if progressive influence on the uprising remains weak, these same reactionaries can steer the uprising in their direction and change its original course.
5. The Crucial Role of Social Media
Since the Arab uprisings, social media has shown a crucial role in propaganda and uprising. Rapid communication, organization, concise videos, and propaganda are extremely effective in mobilizing masses. The younger generation, in particular, gains political awareness almost instinctively through these platforms. Imperialists, reactionaries, and fascists also use these tools effectively to manipulate the mass movement. If revolutionary forces do not use these platforms efficiently, they cannot gain sufficient influence in the mass movement. Nepal is an example of how social media can play a central role in an uprising.
6. The Limits of Bourgeois-Democratic Republics
The overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of a bourgeois-democratic republic have not solved any of the social problems, nor could they. A “democratic republic” is not a transitional form to socialism. In a system whose socio-economic structure is capitalist, it is not the type of leadership but the capitalist structure of the state that determines the content of the system. Even if a communist sits in parliament, as long as no measures are taken to expropriate the big bourgeoisie and landowners, the state will continue to serve the interests of the bourgeoisie. The “democratic” leaders will turn out to be bureaucrats working for the bourgeoisie and will themselves become part of the decaying bourgeois lifestyle. This is precisely what happened in Nepal. Without socialist measures, no real success can be achieved.
7. The Need to Destroy the Old State Apparatus
It is not possible to complete the revolution without completely destroying the old state apparatus. Since the Paris Commune, it has been proven that the old state apparatus must not be taken over, but rather destroyed and rebuilt. In Nepal, the revolutionaries took over the old state apparatus but did not destroy it. The end of the monarchy did not eliminate the old state apparatus, but merely reformed it.
8. The Integration of the Revolutionary Army
The integration of the revolutionary army into the bourgeois army leads to the dissolution of the revolutionary armed forces. This was the case in Nepal. A political movement without a revolutionary army cannot implement a revolutionary program. Whenever the bourgeoisie sees its opportunity, it will recapture the revolutionary gains with the bourgeois army. In Nepal, the bourgeoisie has now seized this opportunity.
9. Popular Control Over State Organs
If a people’s republic or federal state is organized from the bottom up, it must ensure that all state organs and the bureaucracy are under popular control. No official or bureaucrat may exploit their position for personal privileges. Even revolutionary deputies serving in the bourgeois parliament must never forget that this parliament is merely a “barn of the bourgeoisie.” If they allow themselves to be seduced by the bourgeoisie’s “sweet solutions,” they can only become corrupt “communists.” This was precisely the case in Nepal. The “communists” in parliament allowed themselves to be seduced by the temptations of the bourgeois lifestyle and corrupted themselves.
10. Ensuring Freedom Under a Revolutionary Government
Under a revolutionary government, freedom of expression, organization, and action must be guaranteed within the framework of the revolutionary constitution. Restricting these freedoms out of fear that imperialists, fascists, and reactionaries might abuse them leads to completely false results. It is necessary to oppose the imperialists and reactionaries, but not by restricting freedoms. Such restrictions only lead to even greater repression and oppression.

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