International Bureau
MLKP Turkey/Kurdistan

30th year in the struggle for the liberation of the working class and the oppressed!

We have fought, we are fighting, we will fight!What a difficult time for the working class and the oppressed, for their revolutionary parties and organizations!
The end of class struggle in the world was proclaimed, marking the absolute victory of capitalism and the “new world order” under U.S. imperialism! Gorbachev had organized the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Comecon states, which had long since lost their socialist character. The Party of Labor of Albania did not show the determination to lead the workers, women, youth and toiling peasants to armed resistance in defense of socialism as a sacrificial force for the defense of socialism, and became a passive observer of socialism’s collapse. In Central and South America, Asia, Europe and Africa, ideological and political liquidationism was devastating revolutionary and communist parties and guerrilla organizations. Hopelessness, resignation, demoralization and distrust in the future had become a massive quagmire. Fallacies that the era of illegal organizations and armed struggles had come to an end about “democratic ways and methods”, “organization of transformation through social movements” and “peaceful struggle” spread throughout the world. Those raising the banner of revolution and socialism and defending revolutionary violence as inevitable for the organization and victory of the revolution were condemned and urged to heed logic and global realities. In Turkey and Bakur (Northern Kurdistan), the ÖDP took to the stage as a party of ideological-political liquidationism praised by bourgeois circles and did not fail to theorize in a new form the worst feature of the revolutionary movement from 1974-1980, the disease of groupism. The desire to escape the burden of doing politics with illegal, clandestine parties and all forms of struggle was not limited to the ÖDP, as the TDKP also practically declared its intent to follow the same path. Growing Turkish chauvinism in the face of our united revolution rising from Bakurê Kurdistan, was affecting revolutionary parties, while those unable to grasp the revolution turned their backs on the tasks of united revolution. The ideas of united front and revolutionary leadership were far from the revolutionary movement’s perspective, trapped under dogmatic, formulaic constraints.
The MLKP was established 30 years ago, swimming against the tide, on September 10, 1994, under these conditions. The Unity Congress announced the victory of the United Revolution by embracing the best revolutionary traditions of the 1974-1980 period and dismantling groupism. It declared its commitment to the struggle for freedom and socialism against the imperialist new world order, the dominant fascist dictatorship in Turkey and Bakur, and denialist colonialism. It emphasized that our united revolution began in Bakurê Kurdistan which created a balance between denialist colonialism and national revolution. In order to disrupt this balance in favor of the revolution it was necessary to create a second revolutionary front in Turkey. Equipped with a new mentality in its political struggle, style, and strategic understanding, the MLKP took another step forward six months after its founding with the Gazi uprising and the campaign against disappearances launched for comrade Hasan Ocak. This marked the beginning of 30 years of relentless struggle for the liberation of the working class and the oppressed.
During this 30-year period, working-class neighborhoods, worker’s districts, factories, workplaces, high schools, universities, dormitories, trade unions, democratic mass organizations, and professional associations, as well as rural areas, became the soil for the political, organizational, and ideological work of MLKP organizations and militants. In free street demonstrations, barricades, strikes, resistances, occupations, boycotts, and rallies—both peaceful, legal, and unarmed, as well as illegal, based on revolutionary mass violence and armed forms—the party and new generations of cadres were shaped.
The Gazi uprising, the Campaign Against Forced Disappearances, the February 4-5 youth breakthrough, the Sultanbeyli raid, the struggle to obstruct the Istanbul NATO meeting, the Gezi uprising in June, the Kobanê resistance, the Kobanê uprising of October 6-8, the defense and construction of the Rojava revolution, the campaign for the reconstruction of Kobanê, which was reddened by the blood of the 33, election campaigns, and the stance of a united democratic front all reflected the revolutionary vision, determination, leadership qualities, and capacity of the MLKP to understand and respond to revolutionary needs.
The red brigade bases in the heart of cities, torture chambers, prisons, city streets, and the positions of socialist patriotic and Marxist-Leninist guerrillas in the mountains faced the unyielding resistance of self-sacrificing communist leaders and militants. Courtrooms echoed with the voice of revolution, the Marxist-Leninist party, and the revolutionary struggle.
Throughout these 30 years, the MLKP has become the voice, organizing force, and vanguard and the sacrificial force of the working class, women, the poor, youth, laborers, and our people from oppressed faiths, especially the Alevi community, as well as the Kurdish nation and various national communities, addressing their issues, demands, and aspirations.
In this great struggle, the MLKP was a vanguard and organizer of dozens of worker resistances and strikes from Istanbul to Çorlu, Adana to Izmir, Bursa to Denizli, and from Izmit to Bandırma. It actively engaged in countless resistances and strikes, raising its banner as a militant force in the union struggles, resistances, and wildcat strikes led by public sector workers, as well as in actions in Ankara.
The MLKP was the will and labor behind a series of pioneering steps, from the stance of the Saturday Mothers and the Mothers’ Congress to the International Conference Against Forced Disappearances in Custody. It stood at the forefront of the struggle against the state’s destructive urban attacks in working-class neighborhoods. It was at the center of the fight against the transformation of earthquakes into systematic massacres and floods into structural disasters. It energetically campaigned around many demands of the student youth, including autonomous-democratic universities, democratic high schools, education in mother tongue, tuition fees, YÖK (the Council of Higher Education), investigations, university entrance exams, dormitories, tuition, and food prices.
On March 8, Newroz and May 1, it positioned itself as an active communist force.
The MLKP became a militant force in the dungeon front of class, gender, and national struggles, confronting issues such as rights violations, fascist oppression and bans, isolation and exile policies, the F-type prison assault, and the special isolation system in Imralı with barricade resistances, indefinite hunger strikes, and death fast actions that extended to the outside world around various agendas.
The MLKP took on distinctive struggles ranging from the conference against sexual harassment and rape in detention to the campaign against violence against women. From the “Em azadî dixwazin” campaign to human shield actions; from the marches for freedom and equality of peoples, calling for the cessation of colonial military attacks, education in the mother tongue, and freedom for Kurdish, to self-governance resistances, the Kobanê resistance, and the defense, victory, and construction of the Rojava revolution, it showcased a socialist patriotic practice in various struggles.
It became a banner for revolutionary acts of violence targeting civil fascists, fascist state gangs in working-class neighborhoods, informants, strikebreakers, police stations, courthouses, and the forces of fascist police, military officers, and occupying armies, as well as imperialist monopolies and institutions.
With the expanded vision of the United Revolution, the MLKP developed and strengthened its understanding of internationalism through 30 years of struggle. Actions that utilized coercive means against imperialist occupations and massacres; international practices around common political agendas; regional anti-imperialist alliances in the Middle East and the Balkans; worldwide revolutionary coalitions; persistent and diligent relationships with individual revolutionary and communist parties and groups; sharing experiences, knowledge, and resources; contributions to theoretical and ideological education; taking a stance against attacks on revolutionary parties and engaging in active solidarity were all aspects of the MLKP’s struggle and relationships that were pursued without concern for narrow party interests or expecting reciprocity outside of political struggle.

The MLKP has maintained ideological and theoretical dynamism based on its understanding of Marxism-Leninism achieved through the United Revolution over the past 30 years. The development of the Leninist party mentality and model to respond to the new conditions of the world; advancements and deepening in the understanding of “organization of the revolution,” “strategy,” “united front,” “political-military struggle,” and “internationalism” were expressions of this dynamism. This same development manifested in expanding and renewing perspectives, new analyses, and viewpoints on various issues, including the women’s liberation struggle, the Kurdish national question, and imperialist globalization, based on both positive and negative historical experiences, the accumulated state of knowledge and new phenomena. All of this was also reflected in the MLKP’s program and statutes.Development Through Struggle with Mistakes, Shortcomings and Failures

 Throughout its 30 years of struggle, the MLKP has experienced significant successes, some of which became gains for the communist and revolutionary movement and pushed the revolutionary movement forward on various issues while influencing the course of class struggle, while also facing failures that expressed political, organizational, and ideological setbacks at certain points in its history. In its early years, the leadership struggled to break free from the working style of its predecessor group era and amateurishness and primitivism in infrastructure, meaning it could not leap to the level of the United Revolution. This allowed the enemy to deliver heavy organizational blows, disrupting the development of the MLKP. In the late 1990s, distancing itself from the mindset of the United Revolution and choosing erroneous forms in the central organization of the party led to serious ideological, political, and organizational problems and setbacks. After the 4th Congress, the errors in implementing the new organizational model and deviating from proper party functioning resulted in the party missing a crucial opportunity for significant advancement, turning inward, and facing important political, ideological, and organizational challenges. Finally, the ideological and political liquidation attacks initiated by fascist denialist colonialism on July 20, 2015, also manifested within the MLKP ranks starting in the spring of 2019. These included an epidemic of despair, hopelessness, and demoralization in the face of certain successes gained through the sustained and intense terror of the fascist chief regime, leading to abandonment of the party and revolutionary ranks; an inability to bear the line tightly connected to the party’s political struggle and the costs paid; tendencies toward peaceful development in political struggle and legal revolutionary approaches; individualism and weakening in the qualities of discipline and collectivism. The damages from this period of ideological-political liquidationism represented a significant share in the factors preventing the party from achieving the level of success required in the struggle for freedom and socialism.

 Throughout its 30-year history, the MLKP has addressed all these issues within a framework of proper party functioning each time. Drawing on the communist knowledge on a world scale  and its own unique experiences, it worked to organize the internal ideological struggle in the most effective manner. Final evaluations and decisions took shape within the highest party institutions at congresses.

The MLKP is an exemplary illegal party, distinguished by its congresses, conferences, socialist democracy, and co-presidency institutions Throughout its 30 years of struggle, the proper functioning of the party and its congress and conference institutions have been fundamental dynamics for addressing the issues and needs of the MLKP’s development, resolving them, and re-establishing unity in direction, perspective, and will. Congress and conferences have also held special significance as powerful tools and manifestations of socialist democracy. In this regard, the MLKP serves as a strong example for illegal revolutionary combat parties, having conducted seven congresses with secretly elected delegates and four central conferences (Party and Unity Conference, Workers’ Conference, Organizers’ Conference, and the Conference on the Past and Future of Socialism) that were also held illegally with invited delegates. During the same years, the MLKP’s Kurdish organization held one conference, while the Rojava Organization conducted two conferences over its 11 years since its foundation. The Communist Youth Organization (KGÖ) successfully organized four congresses as the only example among youth organizations, all held illegally. Similarly, the Communist Women’s Organization (KKÖ) carried out three central conferences in the 10 years following its establishment. Each congress and conference served as a rich ground for discussion and a powerful arena for critique and self-critique, facilitating effective intervention in the development of the MLKP, KKÖ, and KGÖ.

Our immortals are the highest representatives of the quality and strength of the Party’s sacrifice and the signposts of the continuity of its lineage

 For 30 years, the MLKP has fought as a sacrificial force of the revolution. Throughout this time, it has prioritized the needs of the struggle over its own, focusing on the growth and development of the revolution, the formation of action and power alliances, and the establishment and sustenance of a united front. This commitment required many sacrifices. Similarly, in the struggle for workers and the oppressed to attain a humane, dignified, and free life, MLKP militants have embraced a sacrifice line that involves being ready to leave behind schools, families, professions, artistic pursuits, and personal habits when necessary. The manifold difficulties of life, the threat of arrest and imprisonment or the possibility of building a “comfortable” life in the ruling order through personal skills and means did not deter MLKP members. Human heights were reached through the power of dedication and selflessness as well as sharing became a source of joy for every generation of MLKP militants as they challenged the capitalist society’s notion of “man is a wolf to man” and represented a new way of life.

 Our immortals hold a distinctive place in this tableau as the highest representatives of the party, embodying the qualities and strength of sacrifice and guiding the continuity of MLKP’s line. They have been a vital source of strength in every period of MLKP’s resurgence and determination to organize the revolution, symbolizing the resolve to achieve victory; they have significantly shaped the formation of cadres and the party as a whole. Since the police killing of young worker Erdal Balcı on November 4, 1994, MLKP has bid farewell to 100 comrades, including members of the Central Committee, secretaries and members of Provincial Committees, comrades of the Central Committee and provincial committees of the KGÖ as well as commanders of the Red Brigade and Rural Guerrilla Units, representing women, men, LGBTI+ and various ethnic backgrounds—Turkish, Kurdish, and Arab.

Let us unite in the ranks of MLKP, organize, and fight! MLKP celebrates its 30th anniversary, drawing strength from its 7th Congress and 3rd KKÖ Conference.
 The party works to break the fascist, racist, patriarchal and heterosexist legal and practical shackles on the rights of workers and the oppressed to expression, freedom of the press, organization, manifestation, strike, collective bargaining, resistance and boycott;
To end labor killings, environmental destruction, unemployment, high cost of living and the policy of impunity for violence against women and LGBT+;
 To ensure legal protection of the right to self-defense, to achieve demands for wage and salary increases, to solve the housing problem for students and to improve the living conditions of pensioners;
 To expand the revolutionary struggle for political freedom, equality for women, equality for peoples, and social justice;
 To overcome any inadequacies and limitations in party work among the masses, enriching and improving the political struggle of active defense tactics with new forms, uninterruptedly fighting against ideological-political liquidationism and legalism, and intensifying the struggle against fascist, denialist, racist, and patriarchal attacks on free prisoners, as well as against isolation and exile terror, particularly the absolute isolation system in Imralı.
 MLKP’s efforts are centered on countering the political Islamist fascist chieftaincy regime’s plans to crush the Kurdish national democratic movement, revolutionary parties, and antifascist structures, along with genocidal efforts against the Kurdish people and the expansion of occupation areas in Başûr and Rojava. We call upon workers, unemployed people, women, students, academics, the impoverished, retirees, laborers, intellectuals, and artists from Kurdish and Turkish nations, as well as various national communities, to unite and organize in the ranks of MLKP, take on roles in KKÖ, KGÖ, and FESK, and fight to dismantle fascism, denialist colonialism, the patriarchal system, and capitalism; to establish the Workers’ and Laborers’ Soviet Republic!

The immortals live, the MLKP fights!
In its 30th year of struggle: Long live the MLKP for the victory of the revolution!
Long live the KKÖ for women’s freedom and the women’s revolution!
Glory to the Armed Forces of the Poor and Oppressed!
Long live the Communist Youth Organization!
The revolution is the only way, long live socialism, long live the women’s revolution!
Long live the regional revolutions! Long live the world revolution!

September 5, 2024
MLKP Central Committee

Glory to the MLKP in its 30th year of struggle!
 MLKP, which is dedicated to the struggle for the liberation of the working class and the oppressed, primarily women, for the construction of a classless, borderless, gender-just world, has reached its 30th year of struggle.
 Since its founding, MLKP has understood and engaged with the urgent task of organizing and elevating women’s political mass action against patriarchy and colonial fascism, developing the will and knowledge of women communists within the party, and advancing the party’s cadre strength by increasing the quantitative and qualitative weight of women communists. In this question, too, she waged a strong struggle against revolutionary spontanism. The party has conducted a strong struggle in this regard, avoiding crudely equalizing, general and spontaneous approaches, and instead addressing the organization of women in the revolutionary ranks as a matter that should be organized consciously and deliberately from a gender perspective.
 In its early period, when MLKP viewed the women’s liberation struggle as “turning the democratic women’s movement to a reserve,” it aimed to implement this perspective effectively, establishing a strong connection between word and action. As a result, it produced countless women leaders across all fronts, from practical legitimate areas of struggle to political-military forms, mobilizing all resources  so that the communist women’s movement, the communist women organized in MLKP, could find their own unique path. The party aimed to develop its work among women using original tools and organizations, conducting political campaigns based on the demands and aspirations of working, student, and laboring women, and exposing the patriarchal nature of the colonial fascist state.
One of the clearest areas where the power of MLKP’s development and renewal has emerged is in the realm of sexual contradiction and the women’s liberation struggle. MLKP and the organized communist women within it, as well as after a certain point, the Communist Women’s Organization, became adept and dynamic at learning from their own experiences, the experiences of revolutionary movements in the world, in Turkey, and in Northern Kurdistan, from the feminist movement, and from the Kurdish national democratic women’s movement, from the masses of working, labouring and oppressed women, advancing their perspectives and practices accordingly.
In terms of programmatic views and strategy, the party systematically distanced itself from a perspective that does not view the question of abolishing patriarchy as a deeply rooted and ancient mechanism of exploitation that is as old as class society, but rather reduces it conceptually and in terms of content to the “women’s question”, as a democratic problem inherited from feudalism that the bourgeoisie was unable to solve and whose solution is therefore ultimately reserved for a revolution led by the proletariat. MLKP has continuously fought against understandings that distort the reality that sexual oppression and exploitation can only be addressed through the abolition of private property, and that the path to women’s liberation can only be opened through socialism. Understandings that turn their backs on the tasks of the struggle for women’s liberation and shift these tasks to socialism. Organized communist women within MLKP have resolutely defined the tasks necessary for socialism to truly pave the way for women’s liberation and committed themselves to achieving these tasks. The MLKP, under the leadership of communist women, has worked on the theoretical, programmatic, ideological, organizational, and political issues of the women’s revolution, which it sees as an essential component of social revolution, a fundamental axis in the establishment of socialism, and a guarantee of determination in the abolition of private property. It has expanded the scope of the struggle against sexual oppression and exploitation to include the fight against heterosexism, which has historically been shaped by patriarchy.
The MLKP has continuously progressed and renewed its methods for organizing its structure in favor of women, ranging from the understanding of positive discrimination and its legal assurance in the statutes to the implementation of quotas based on positive discrimination, and from quotas to equal representation, equal standing, and equal organizational systems. MLKP has continuously renewed its organizational system to enhance the decision-making power of women communists, evolving from women’s councils to a central women’s commission, then to a central women’s committee and the system of women’s committees, ultimately leading to an autonomous, equal-level Communist Women’s Organization. Its search for a break with the traditional forms of relations of the revolutionary movement, in which women communists are positioned as individuals in the party, in which relations between women develop spontaneously and on the basis of gender solidarity between female individuals, and in which they establish their relations with men and the various manifestations of patriarchy on this basis, already began in the years following the 2nd Congress, through internal discussions between women at different times, which promoted women’s solidarity, increasingly women’s comradeship and organizational unity.
Since 2015, three Communist Women Conferences have been organized. The decisions made at these conferences have guided the party congress decisions  including the founding of the KKÖ and very important changes to the program and statutes, reflecting both the leadership strength of communist women and the party’s determined response to the actions and will of women. This has facilitated the development of women’s solidarity, collectivism, and will, grounding the leadership of struggles against the patriarchal colonial fascist regime and the patriarchal capitalist order firmly in the issues and needs of the women’s liberation struggle.
While continuously renewing its theoretical and ideological perspectives, organizational structure, and style of political struggle, MLKP has not succumbed to bourgeois ideological pressures, liberalism, reformist views that equate women with pacifism, feminist approaches that isolate the women’s liberation struggle, or postmodern understandings that disorganize and distract from the political struggle. Instead, it has boldly forged its revolutionary path, fully embracing the achievements and experiences of the communist women’s movement symbolized by Kollontai, Zetkin, and Luxembourg.
Since its founding, an increasing number of communist women have taken on numerous roles as organizers, propagandists, agitators, commanders, and political fighters across all fronts of revolutionary and political struggle. They have played a decisive role in the development of the party’s political struggle, striving to amplify the unique actions and voices of women in all social issues and to mobilize the oppressed starting from women in the broader women’s liberation struggle.
In all the political struggles of the working class and the oppressed, from the resistance against the colonial occupation in Kurdistan to combating forced disappearances in detention, the practical-legitimate resistance in the streets against the F-type isolation attack, the struggle that developed in the form of death fasts in prisons, the actions against the imperialist occupation in Iraq and Afghanistan, the struggle against oppression and poverty, the workers’ strikes and resistances, they have tried to raise and develop women’s intervention in specific forms and to mobilize the entire women’s movement in this direction.
Similarly, they have been active in developing independent actions of women, starting with working women, according to the aspirations and demands of the women masses. They have led acts of practical-legitimate resistance to celebrate March 8 in the streets despite various attacks by the colonial fascist regime, initiated campaigns and conferences exposing sexual harassment and rape in prison as the first political disclosure campaign against sexual crimes in Turkey and Northern Kurdistan exposing the patriarchal character of the state, and addressed issues like evictions and poverty that particularly affect female masses in working-class neighborhoods, to the agenda of male violence against women, they did important pioneering work for women. They mobilized for the founding of various united organizations, alliances of action and forces of the women’s movement. MLKP has demonstrated its ability to mobilize all its resources for current political struggles surrounding gender contradictions under the slogan of “working like a women’s party” when needed. Aware of the divisive and reactionary nature of patriarchy within the ranks of the working class, MLKP has systematically fought against all forms of male dominance within its ranks, the revolutionary movement, and across all areas of struggle, influencing various leftist labor structures to move away from views that relegate women’s liberation to the revolution.
The MLKP, aware of the power of patriarchy as well as the power of chauvinism and social-chauvinism to divide the ranks of the working class, to influence them in a reactionary way and to bind them to the capitalist order, systematically fought against all overt and hidden forms of patriarchy in its own ranks, in the revolutionary movement and in all areas where it engages in struggle. It has influenced various leftist labor organizations to move away from the perspective of relegating women’s liberation to the revolution. The MLKP has played a vanguard role in strengthening the connection between the revolutionary movement and the struggle for women’s liberation.
These struggles have enabled MLKP to gain significant theoretical, ideological, and political insights in the women’s liberation struggle, conditioning the emergence of communist women leaders and commanders as part of the broader achievements of the women’s liberation struggle.
The practice of communist women has been a clear example of unity in word and action within the party’s women’s front, particularly in appropriating the women’s revolutionary gains of the Rojava revolution, as many women commanders have defended this revolution at great cost. In instances such as the Gezi-June uprising and the 6-8 October Kobane uprising, communist women emerged as political leaders, insurrection leaders, and leaders of the masses.
MLKP and the organized communist women within it have conducted a dedicated, selfless struggle, even at the cost of arrests, imprisonments, and the immortality of numerous communist women in this fight. Notable immortal women comrades include Şengül Boran, one of the leaders of KGÖ, Kutsiye Bozoklar, an ideological leader of the party, Yeliz Erbay, a delegate at the founding conference of KKÖ and FESK commander, and Ivana Hoffman, who became immortal while defending the Rojava Revolution on the day of the announcement of KKÖ’s founding, among others, who have become sources of strength, confidence, determination, and courage for communist women.
In its 30th year of struggle, MLKP continues to fight against patriarchy as a significant victory and position for women in the struggle for liberation, asserting its determination to fight against the fascist chief regime, the ideological and political liquidation of the revolutionary movement, and the Kurdish national democratic movement.
Facing the fascist chieftaincy regime that seeks to crush and destroy the struggles of the working class and the oppressed, starting from the ideological and political liquidation of the revolutionary movement and the Kurdish national democratic movement and, as a means and consequence of this, to comprehensively liquidate all the achievements of the women’s movement, to limit and control the struggle for women’s freedom and to organize the unlimited rule of the male sex around the model of the “acceptable woman” in order to find a solution to the crisis of patriarchy with the political Islamist-fascist restoration. Under these conditions, MLKP and the Communist Women’s Organization declare once again their unwavering determination to fight for women’s freedom.
We call upon all working, unemployed, laboring, houseworking, student, intellectual, and artistic women from the Kurdish, Turkish, Arab, Circassian, Bosnian, Armenian, Greek, Laz, Romani, Pomak, Chaldean, Assyrian communities, as well as from Alevi, Yazidi faiths and Muslim, Christian, and Jewish religions, to unite in the ranks of MLKP, to join the Communist Women’s Organization, FESK, and KGÖ, and to organize against the patriarchal fascist regime, the denialist colonialism and the patriarchal capitalist order and to intensify the struggle.

Glory for MLKP in its 30th year! Glory for KKÖ!
Long live the women’s revolution! Long live socialism!

September 6, 2024
MLKP Women’s Leadership

Let us strengthen the struggle for the defense of Lebanon and the liberation of Palestine!
The war of expansion and the unprecedented genocide carried out by the barbaric Zionist state against Lebanon is an attack on all oppressed peoples. Defending Lebanon and liberating Palestine is the duty of all humanity.
Hassan Nasrallah, who was massacred together with hundreds of Lebanese people and Hezbollah leaders fighting alongside the Palestinian people against the Zionist occupation, holds an incomparable place in the struggle against this oppression. Many lessons can be drawn from his resistance, which empowers oppressed peoples on their path to liberation.
The unrelenting Zionist aggression, equipped with advanced technology of violence, will not stifle the will of the people to resist for freedom and life. This just resistance is paving the way for the liberation of the entire region from imperialism, colonialism, and barbarism. Our place in this struggle is clear: we must urgently form an anti-imperialist anti-Zionist front of the oppressed peoples against this aggression and its supporters.
Therefore, the only response to the genocide and the attack on determined resistance forces is: More Aksa floos, more intifada!
Let us unite the peoples against occupation and colonialism!
Down with Zionism and imperialism!